Khalid Mashaal is a Hamas terrorist; the political chief of Hamas in Jordan, no less. In the past two months Hamas has murdered scores of Israelis, and is a suspect in the assassination attempt on two Israeli Embassy officials in Amman. Mashaal personally is responsible for directing and assisting in lethal terrorist attacks on Israeli men, women and children. He is unambiguously at war with Israel.Accordingly, Israel can do no other than be at war with Hamas. It cannot rely on anyone else to act against the terrorists, the Palestinian Authority least of all, as has become apparent. The recent attempt to assassinate Mashaal in Amman (although botched) was a legitimate and necessary use of force - self-defence often requires a country to act in otherwise unacceptable ways. Had the attempt been successful, Hamas' operations could have been significantly curtailed. The way the attack took place and the revelations surrounding its ultimate outcome cloud the real issues. Suggestions that the 'sinister' Mossad is part-assassin and part-Keystone Cops miss the point of why such actions are even contemplated - they appear the only way to stop (or at least nullify) Hamas' continued use of terror. Hamas will not negotiate (only demand); it will not rest unless Israel is destroyed (following which, it would probably destroy itself) - it verges on pathological. Seeing Chairman Arafat hugging Yassin in Amman was somehwat problematic. The Middle East is no playground. Hamas (and Hezbollah) agents are likely planning terrorist attacks against Israel right now, as you read this. Scores more casualties may yet eventuate before this year is over, suddenly cut down by suicide bombers. Of course, Israel would wish that actions like that of last week were not necessary, but it has a responsibility to its people to do everything to stop such agents of terror.
The prolonged use of terror has been the biggest single impediment to the continuation of the peace process. It heightens the passions and hardens the antagonism on both sides. In this sense, the attempt on Khalid Mashaal might prove to be counter-productive - an excuse for Hamas to intensify its terror activities. Certainly, the whole scenario indicates the unenviable choices Israel is faced with in attempting to combat terror operatives.
The bungled operation in Jordan is uncharacteristic of Israel, which has long held a reputation for daringly successful covert operations, and Prime Minister Netanyahu has now moved to create a three-member committee to investigate the affair. Most regrettable have been the concessions that have been forced upon Israel to secure the release of the two Mossad agents; notably the freeing of Hamas' spiritual leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin (though the other 20 security prisoners were not Hamas members), and the diplomatic fall-out with Jordan, Canada and the United States.
On the other hand, one must wonder if the fiasco signifies a deepening malaise in the Israeli military and security services - the security lapses that led to the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, the military helicopter crash that killed 75 Israeli soldiers in February and the loss of 12 elite commandos in a failed operation in southern Lebanon in September come to mind. Certainly, the risks that Israel's military, security and intelligence personnel are required to take are high, but the attrition rate is a serious concern.
Ironically, out of the turmoil now surrounding the action and after an eight-month stand-off, the peace process is receiving a much needed shot in the arm through the dawn meeting between Prime Minister Netanyahu and Yasser Arafat at the Erez Crossing near Gaza.
The meeting between the two leaders comes at an important juncture in the fragile peace process. No longer will simple handshakes settle the outstanding issues. Both Israel and the Palestinians must make concessions if the process is to move forward. There will have to be the re-establishment of trust - the most important element - based not just on assurances, but also actions.
The wild card re-emergence of Sheikh Yassin complicates the position of Yasser Arafat and sends ambiguous signals to the Israelis. Arafat's erstwhile rival was greeted warmly in Gaza this week, boosting the stocks of Hamas and making a PA crackdown on Hamas terror more problematic. Yassin's flagging of a Hamas ceasefire, conditional on complete Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank and the release of all Palestinian prisoners, may seem like an improvement in tone (though substantively unacceptable) but it is misleading.
In speaking of a ceasefire, Sheikh Yassin said such a move would be limited as "Islam allows a truce but not reconciliation with Israel". He employed a term used by the Prophet Mohammed in arranging a ten-year truce with the Q'raish, an ancient tribe - the truce was later broken and the Q'raish massacred. In this scenario, a ceasefire would represent a chance for Hamas to regroup and emerge later as a stronger opponent. Clearly, a truce in Hamas' terms does not equal lasting peace.
Whether Hamas can evolve into an organisation that Israel can feasibly negotiate with, as the PLO did, is questionable. There remains a hard core Palestinian constituency that does not accept Israel's right to exist, regardless of which organisation represents them. The only way to deflate this extremism is to abjure the language of violence and improve the real conditions on the ground in the Palestinian zones. This requires not ideology or grandstanding, but patient, practical and pragmatic negotiation from both sides. The meeting this week between Arafat and Netanyahu nourishes the process and is encouraging to those who haven't yet lost hope.
Copyright © 1997 J.O.I.N.