Review 22.7
11 May - 5 Jun , 1997

Over the last two weeks, Australia has found it-self in something of a contradictory position on the question of the future of UN sanctions against Iraq, and indeed also on its Iran policy. On the one hand, Australia's Ambassador to the UN, Richard Butler, was appointed to replace Rolf Ekeus as the new executive chairman of UNSCOM, the body set up to monitor and supervise Iraq's compliance with UN Security Council Resolution 687. UNSCOM's job is to make sure Baghdad dismantles her extensive biological, chemical and nuclear weapons programs, and destroy all long-range missiles. Yet, within two weeks of Mr Butler's appointment, Austrade, a government body, was hailing its first business mission to Iraq since the 1991 Gulf War as a "resounding success" which "raised the profile of Australian industry, sealed important relationships and positioned ourselves to expand exports."

Trade with Iran is also high on Canberra's list of concerns, with wheat sales booming irrespective of Australia's unused $1.14 billion line of credit to the regime, now proven to be involved in international terrorism.

There is at present no reason to suspect that Australia would act counter to existing UN sanctions against Iraq, designed to force compliance with 687. Yet given the special role Australia has been asked to play with Butler's appointment, Canberra should be taking additional care to act responsibly with respect to the Iraqi sanctions. She must take a leadership role in encouraging others by upholding these goals in spirit as well as substance. Austrade's mission was not the best start in the execution of this responsibility.

In effect, the appointment of Butler is a tribute to the positive role Australia has played in disarmament issues up until the present time. Butler is a good choice, in part because he is a distinguished diplomat who has devoted his career to disarmament issues, but also frankly because he is an Australian diplomat.

And Australia has led the way on important issues like the Chemical Weapons Convention and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. She has also built a reputation as a good international citizen by a willingness to take part in peacekeeping and to participate in efforts to contain blatant human rights and international law abuses, as in the 1991 Gulf War. But Mr Butler's task will be far from an easy one. Mr Ekeus reported in April that the Iraqis continue to do almost everything in their power to frustrate UN inspectors. He told the Security Council that Iraqi authorities had threatened to shoot down any UN helicopters which did not follow routes prescribed by the Iraqi government, and Iraqi personnel on board these helicopters have attempted to wrest control of them when the UN teams strayed near sensitive areas. Similarly, Iraqi officials designated to act as liaisons with UN teams, have terminated interviews or directed Iraqi site personnel to lie or refuse to answer inspectors.

While it is clear that, despite Iraqi efforts, much of Iraq's non-conventional weapons and materials have been uncovered, it is equally clear that some remain hidden. The recent escalation in Iraqi efforts to hamper the UN inspectors, if unchallenged, raise the possibility they may never be found. As Ekeus said last month, "If the trend were not reversed it could result in a situation ... whereby monitoring could no longer be considered operational."

It will be Richard Butler's historic role to make sure this does not become the case, and that Iraq's hidden weapons are found and dismantled. The only hope he has of doing this is by making it absolutely clear to the Iraqis that the sanctions will not be lifted until the UN is sure that the relevant resolutions have been completely complied with, and Iraq has cooperated fully with UN inspectors.

To do this, he needs the strong backing of the Australian government. Mr Butler must never appear as if he might be subject to pressures in Canberra for a softer stand on sanctions.

This means putting potential post-sanction trade contacts with Iraq on hold. We have already seen several countries, France being the most egregious example, where companies which hope to establish post-sanction business relations in Baghdad have pressured governments to soften their stand on sanctions.

Australia has much to gain if the Government gives Mr Butler its full support in his efforts to make certain Iraq's weapons of mass destruction are completely dismantled before sanctions end. Canberra's reputation as a champion of disarmament and international stability gives Australia substantial credibility on the world stage. Butler's appointment gives Australia the opportunity to build on her already substantial international profile. On the other hand, any failure of resolve, any appearance of failing to stand fully behind Butler for full Iraqi compliance could damage the international reputation Australia has worked so hard to build.

Furthermore, it would clearly be disastrous for international security should Iraq escape sanctions at a point where its nuclear and biological weapons programs can easily be rebuilt. Baghdad has already demonstrated its capacity to behave with aggression, violence, apparent irrationality, and in defiance of international law. Australia's international environment could clearly become much uglier if Saddam Hussein is allowed to wield nuclear weapons, or even Anthrax bombs, which would be almost as deadly - exactly what Canberra's past efforts in disarmament and non-proliferation have been designed to avoid.

With Butler's appointment, Australia now has effectively taken on an additional responsibility to make sure the UN sanctions against Iraq completely accomplish their purpose. It also attaches even more significance in ensuring the Howard Government's Iran policy does not replace the Iraqi threat with support for a challenge much stronger from Tehran. Nevertheless, if Richard Butler fulfils his task well, the benefits, both to regional stability and world peace, could be substantial. We wish him well for this most important of missions.